What Would Jack Do?

What’s it take to be a really good trial lawyer? The fol­low­ing is based on my 27 years’ as a trial lawyer.

There are as many kinds of lawyers in Amer­ica as there are fla­vors of ice cream. Many lawyers labor away at drone jobs in great dun­geons of the law; many are involved in inves­tiga­tive work from behind a desk­top; any num­ber of them whit­tle anony­mously away at con­tracts for cor­po­rate Amer­ica. But for mil­lions of Amer­i­cans, the world ‘lawyer’ can only mean one thing:

Jack McCoy of Law & Order.

He’s cagey. He’s eth­i­cal. He’s hand­some, in a frumpy sort of way — which mil­lions of women find attrac­tive. Did I men­tion that he’s cagey? We love Jack McCoy, and when­ever the Law & Order scriptwrit­ers throw moral ambi­gu­ity at us, we ask, “What Would Jack Do?” Because we are, after all, morally unam­bigu­ous crea­tures. And lawyers bring that out in us, because, well .… they’re ambigu­ous. In fact, deep down we know they’re snakes.

But as the dis­tance from Hol­ly­wood to real­ity is a march few Friends of Jack will ever make, this is as good a time as any to set aside a few mis­con­cep­tions about what it takes to be a great trial lawyer. Hav­ing been a trial lawyer for as long as I have, I’ve had the priv­i­lege of know­ing some really great trial attor­neys. Herein is my attempt at con­dens­ing the ele­ments of a truly fine trial lawyer —

1. They are geniuses at con­vinc­ing folks that their client is an “us.” When it comes to win­ning jury tri­als, the secret is turn­ing your client into an “us”, because if the jury sees your client as a “them”, you’re in trou­ble. And, as all good trial lawyers know, there are some clients who can­not be made into an “us” no mat­ter what you do. So you waive jury and let the judge sort it out. Judges deal with “thems” all day.

2. Good lawyers know that peo­ple WANT to be manip­u­lated. That may sound cyn­i­cal, but there’s noth­ing peo­ple love more than a good story with a magic trick thrown in. One of the best trial lawyers I ever met learned that les­son the hard way, early in his career. He grew impa­tient as the defense attor­ney con­tin­ued his detailed cross-examination about how the police offi­cers removed the back­seat of a car before search­ing the car. The jury was trans­fixed by this drama. The defense attor­ney had them con­vinced this was the heart of the entire case. It wasn’t, but it didn’t mat­ter. The jurors were get­ting the show they wanted, and it took their minds off the evi­dence of the defendant’s guilt.

3. Every really great trial attor­ney I’ve ever known reads the sports page. Although sports hardly ever comes up in jury selec­tion, peo­ple seems to sense who’s up on sports — and seem to believe that is important.

4. All really great trial lawyers under­stand that “jus­tice” and moral­ity hardly ever eat at the same table. Every juror comes in with a notion that some­one best be dan­gling from a rope by the end of the day. Lawyers who get billion-dollar ver­dicts out of juries for the widow whose beloved smoked him­self to death work on this prin­ci­ple. Sure, the deceased smoked 14 cig­a­rettes an hour, BUT THE CIGARETTE COMPANIES LIED ABOUT THE DANGERS OF CIGARETTES!! Aver­age peo­ple may not think that stan­dard to them­selves, but put a good look­ing lawyer with a $200 hair­cut in front of them, and let him talk for three hours — while they braid the rope.

5. All really great trial lawyers believe, deep down, they are mak­ing a dif­fer­ence. The per­sonal injury lawyers I know believe cor­po­ra­tions must be dealt with; their coun­ter­parts for the defense despise malin­ger­ing plain­tiffs. No mat­ter how triv­ial the case, both believe they are res­cu­ing the world from some evil and, in fact, they are. In Amer­ica the best incen­tive to not steal from peo­ple is the fear of lawyers.

In the com­plex world of jury tri­als, there are never any cer­tain­ties. Any­one who has tried 100 or more jury cases in his or her life will tell you there’s very lit­tle sci­ence to it. Almost always a jury trial is a Hail Mary pass. But the edge an attor­ney has to get is to make his client an “us” because he knows, deep down, facts and morals have almost noth­ing to do with it.

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BRUCE HANIFY 2012

Clallam County Age Discrimination Case Settled for $1.6 Million

May 22, 2012, by Bruce Han­ify  Three for­mer Clal­lam County employ­ees and the daugh­ter of one for­mer employee have accepted a $1.6 mil­lion set­tle­ment in an age dis­crim­i­na­tion suit for dam­ages they suf­fered as employ­ees of the Clal­lam County Pros­e­cut­ing Attorney’s Office in Port Ange­les, WA. Deb­o­rah Kelly is the elected pros­e­cu­tor of Clal­lam County.

The for­mer employ­ees included deputy pros­e­cu­tor Carol Case, legal assis­tant Kathy Nielsen, and admin­is­tra­tive assis­tant Elaine Sundt. Hol­lie Hut­ton, daugh­ter of for­mer employee Robin Porter, who was fired in Feb­ru­ary, 2007 and died within a year of her ter­mi­na­tion, appeared on behalf of her mother in the lawsuit.

In an 80-page plead­ing to the supe­rior court, attor­neys Stephanie Bloom­field and James Beck of Tacoma law firm Gor­don Thomas Hon­ey­well alleged a dis­turb­ing pat­tern of age dis­crim­i­na­tion that resulted in the fir­ing of Carol Case, Elaine Sundt and Robin Porter. Admin­is­tra­tive assis­tant Nielsen, who suf­fered severe phys­i­cal and emo­tional dis­tress brought on by work­place harass­ment, resigned under extreme duress. While only four indi­vid­u­als joined in the law­suit, there appeared to be an office pol­icy of sub­ject­ing older employ­ees to a cal­cu­lated pat­tern of Machi­avel­lian harass­ment, accord­ing to alle­ga­tions con­tained within the legal pleading.

The alle­ga­tions in the plead­ing, while not proven in a trial, appar­ently were suf­fi­ciently cred­i­ble to induce the county to set­tle the lawsuit.

In a press release issued by Gor­don Thomas Hon­ey­well, it was revealed that elected pros­e­cu­tor Deb Kelly admit­ted that her office suf­fered a turnover rate between 210 and 215%. How­ever, Kelly blamed the set­tle­ment on the legal system:

This settle­ment was made by the excess insur­ance com­pany strictly for eco­nomic rea­sons,” Kelly said in a state­ment released Saturday.

The county had no option for going for­ward on its own, short of hir­ing its own attor­neys and spend­ing hun­dreds of thou­sands of tax­payer dollars.

If Wash­ing­ton were a loser-pays state, this law­suit would never have been filed.”

Going Younger The Clal­lam County Prosecutor’s cam­paign against her older work­ers com­menced when she appointed 30-something deputy pros­e­cu­tor Mark Nichols to the posi­tion of chief deputy, which one for­mer employee allegedly char­ac­ter­ized as “putting a five-year-old in charge of dyna­mite.” Kelly stated in a depo­si­tion that it did not mat­ter to her that Nichols, two to three years out of law school when she made him king, did not meet the job require­ments of hav­ing “exten­sive expe­ri­ence in munic­i­pal law.” Some might argue that his expe­ri­ence with prin­ci­ples of lead­er­ship shared a sim­i­lar depth.

Upon Nichols’ appoint­ment to that admin­is­tra­tive post, a cam­paign of “going younger” was waged against those unfor­tu­nate enough to have the capac­ity to exer­cise inde­pen­dent judg­ment. The cam­paign con­sisted first of harass­ing and intim­i­dat­ing older work­ers, then replac­ing them with younger work­ers — with the appar­ent inten­tion of chill­ing dis­sent. Both Kelly and Nichols were sur­pris­ingly can­did in their aim to replace those they regarded as obso­lete. Nichols told one employee:

Look, Carol [Case] is an older gen­er­a­tion, or is older and she just doesn’t under­stand young peo­ple. Over the past year we’ve been try­ing to get younger peo­ple in the office.”

“Key­stone Nazis” One anony­mous source shared with this writer that for­mer mem­bers of the office secretly referred to the tac­tics Nichols and Kelly engaged in as befit­ting “Key­stone Nazis.” Exam­ples of their hos­tile work­place con­duct allegedly con­sisted of:

While pros­e­cu­tor Kelly used her county com­puter to shop eBay, employee Porter was fired for “inter­net use” within days of receiv­ing a work­place eval­u­a­tion that praised her work and dedica­tion. A num­ber of ques­tion­able dis­ci­pli­nary issues were lev­eled against Porter, who com­plained of being sin­gled out and treated unfairly. Sev­eral employ­ees agreed that Nichols was out to “get” her. Porter’s fir­ing estab­lished the pat­tern of cre­at­ing con­di­tions that couldn’t be met, so that the employee could then be fired.

After Porter was fired, Nichols then turned the tools of his Inqui­si­tion toward Nielsen. While Nielsen had been receiv­ing glow­ing work­place eval­u­a­tions, she was now being accused of insub­or­di­na­tion for con­sult­ing with her super­vis­ing attor­ney about office prob­lems. In one par­tic­u­larly chill­ing inci­dent, two younger employ­ees were invited to one of Nielsen’s dis­ci­pli­nary meet­ings, where they taunted her.

Insub­or­di­na­tion On Jan­u­ary 16, 2008, Robin Porter died. Employee Sundt com­mit­ted the sin of sit­ting at Porter’s memo­r­ial with three female employ­ees who were out of favor with Kelly, includ­ing Carol Case. Nichols com­menced a cam­paign of iso­lat­ing and ridi­cul­ing Ms. Sundt. In fact, at one dis­ci­pli­nary meet­ing, pros­e­cu­tor Kelly accused Sundt of “dis­loy­alty” for sit­ting with for­bid­den mem­bers of the office at Porter’s funeral.

At one point, Sundt con­sulted an attor­ney about her sit­u­a­tion, who mailed the prosecutor’s office alleg­ing age and gen­der dis­crim­i­na­tion. Within min­utes of being informed by Kelly of the let­ter, Nichols asked Kelly out for cof­fee, then emailed Sundt with a list of ques­tions about who she was spend­ing time with at the office, and who she was talk­ing to. In retal­i­a­tion for con­sult­ing with a lawyer about work­place hos­til­ity, Sundt was placed on admin­is­tra­tive leave. (Sundt suf­fered a heart attack while being deposed for this case.)

62-year-old attor­ney Carol Case was sent to a “fit­ness for duty exam” — nor­mally reserved for emer­gency per­son­nel only, never for attor­neys — for the crime of defend­ing her­self against false accu­sa­tions. Case was declared fit for duty, which didn’t fit in with the Going Younger pro­to­cols. Amaz­ingly, Case sur­vived a sus­tained cam­paign of emo­tional and men­tal tor­ment. Even­tu­ally she was fired. That was exactly the wrong thing to do. Case fought back. And won. Let it be said that this blog­ger believes she is the per­fect replace­ment for Mark Nichols.

Employ­ees who dared to con­front Nichols about the dou­ble stan­dard of sub­ject­ing older employ­ees to sur­veil­lance, taunt­ing, and being “set up” to be fired — while giv­ing a pass to younger employ­ees — were cer­tain to under­stand that their job was at risk. What is star­tling about this case is the num­ber of past and for­mer employ­ees who tes­ti­fied about the hos­tile work­place con­di­tions. Sev­eral cur­rent employ­ees demon­strated remark­able courage given the risks they faced.

As stated, none of these claims were fully tested in court, but the plain­tiffs had plenty of evi­dence to sup­port their cause — and Clal­lam County set­tled, which likely means they faced an even larger loss had they gone to trial.

In their press release, Gor­don Thomas Hon­ey­well wrote:

The sub­stan­tial amount of money paid out to these women should serve as a reminder that no one is above the law, even an elected pros­e­cu­tor” stated James Beck. “Once Kelly and Nichols were made aware of the dis­crim­i­na­tion claims, instead of putting a stop to it and treat­ing peo­ple fairly, they chose to retal­i­ate. These four women brought this law­suit to take back their good names, and with the hope that it might pre­vent Kelly and Nichols from engag­ing in sim­i­lar con­duct in the future.”

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May 23, 2012  The Sequim Gazette reported today:

Kelly said the issues in the office were never about age dis­crim­i­na­tion, dis­abil­ity or retal­i­a­tion but rather a power struggle.

She said she and Nichols take com­plaints of harass­ment and dis­crim­i­na­tion very seriously.

Pat­ter­son said he absolutely believed Kelly and Nichols did the right things.

They were hold­ing peo­ple account­able that were not held account­able pre­vi­ously,” he said.  Clal­lam County Set­tles $1.6 Mil­lion Age Dis­crim­i­na­tion Suit

FULL DISCLOSURE: I was employed as a deputy pros­e­cu­tor at Clal­lam County from Novem­ber, 2005 to Sep­tem­ber, 2006, but chose to leave because I found the work­ing unnec­es­sar­ily tense.  I am proud to say that I worked for one of the great pros­e­cut­ing attor­neys of this state, Jeff Sul­li­van.  Sul­li­van was an old school lawyer: prin­ci­ple before per­son­al­ity.  While I might have wanted to con­tinue pros­e­cut­ing in my home­town (I was born in Port Ange­les, and grad­u­ated from Forks High School), it was obvi­ous to me that the office was headed to some sort of con­fla­gra­tion.  Hav­ing read through Honeywell’s plead­ing, it is very clear that I made the right deci­sion.  I was appalled by what I read in that doc­u­ment.  It was far worse than I thought — in part because I left before it got any juicier.

Robin Porter was my sec­re­tary and a friend of mine.  She was a lovely per­son, with a vibrant sense of humor, and was quite tor­mented by the intim­i­da­tion she expe­ri­enced in that envi­ron­ment.  When I learned that she died, I felt very strongly that she died of a bro­ken heart — related to get­ting fired.  I still believe that.  Can’t prove it, but I believe it.  Let me say there are karmic oblig­a­tions beyond the finan­cial for those who enjoy tor­ment­ing fel­low beings.

Elaine, Carol, Kathy, Con­grat­u­la­tions.  Holly, I loved your mother as a friend.  I’m proud of you. This Bud’s on me.

OF INTEREST:  Three drug cases inves­ti­gated by the Olympic Penin­sula Nar­cotics Enforce­ment Team were dis­missed after Supe­rior Court Judge Ken Williams found the Prosecutor’s Office vio­lated court rules by not dis­clos­ing the iden­tity of its key wit­ness to the defense.  Drug Cases Dismissed

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BRUCE HANIFY 2012

Define “Drug”: A Drug Warrior’s Thoughts on the 45-Year-Old War on Drugs (UPDATED)

by Bruce Han­ify Here is the short answer to the War on Drugs: there is no short answer.  Whichever side you fall on this issue, you will be blinded by prej­u­dice.  Why?  Because if you sup­ply a yes or no answer, you will likely neglect one of two nec­es­sary prin­ci­ples at play in how law and gov­ern­ment work.  Which one you’re blind to tells me whether you’re for or against the legal­iza­tion of recre­ational drugs.

Before we get started, let me con­fess that I have been per­son­ally and pro­fes­sion­ally involved in the entire imbroglio of illicit drug use for what now seems like my entire life.  I pros­e­cuted drug cases for 15 years, and defended them for 10.  What fol­lows is an hon­est account of the bat­tle thus far, as I under­stand it.

Here are the two principles:

First, gov­ern­ment is force.  It is sheer lunacy to expect gov­ern­ment to work like a fine instru­ment in, say, the hands of a Leonardo.  Gov­ern­ment, ulti­mately, is about tak­ing your money and throw­ing you into jail — or worse.  And the big mys­tery about gov­ern­ment isn’t really such a mys­tery.  When and where and how peo­ple want gov­ern­ment to use force is an out­growth of cul­tural dynam­ics that are some­times dif­fi­cult to spot up close.  It usu­ally takes at least a cen­tury of sep­a­ra­tion before peo­ple can hon­estly assess what was going on in some spe­cific period.  And then there are those notable excep­tions, like the “War Between the States” and the Fall of Rome, where no two his­to­ri­ans have ever agreed on much of any­thing.  The War on Drugs is equally per­plex­ing.  When­ever these things are researched in detail, they fail to yield easy answers.

Gov­ern­ment does not solve prob­lems cre­atively.  Never has, never will.   What gov­ern­ment does is wipe out the com­pe­ti­tion.  Gov­ern­ment is not a nanny or an art teacher or your Aunt Rose.  It is the biggest, dullest boy on the block, and when you get in the way, it whomps you.  The ques­tions addressed by the Amer­i­can con­sti­tu­tion are never the legit­i­macy of force, but when, where and how force ought to be applied — and to what end.  Cre­ativ­ity can only occur when absolute free­dom of choice is allowed to oper­ate.  In the case of pol­i­tics and law, cre­ativ­ity is more an ado­les­cent indul­gence than an event we can all look for­ward to.  Hence, the first prin­ci­ple forces us to con­clude that no mat­ter which course of action we choose, it won’t be pretty.

The sec­ond prin­ci­ple peo­ple are likely to miss derives from the Equal Pro­tec­tion clause, found in the 14th Amend­ment — a major Civil War era mod­i­fi­ca­tion to the constitution:

.… No State shall .… . deny to any per­son within its juris­dic­tion the equal pro­tec­tion of the laws.

Put sim­ply, you can­not equally enforce laws unless there is a gen­eral social agree­ment about what it is you’re try­ing to do.  If you doubt how crit­i­cal this is, com­pare a mostly homoge­nous pop­u­la­tion like Japan’s to our het­ero­ge­neous nation.  A Japan­ese pretty much under­stands where he or she is, what’s going on, and what’s expected of him, whether he’s at a wed­ding, or in a court­room.  We don’t have much of that in the United States.  The first big ques­tion on the table is, then:

Define ‘drug.’

You can see the prob­lem imme­di­ately.  If you passed a drug law in Japan, chances are most Japan­ese would under­stand what the law intended.  Here it is not so clear.  What a drug is to a Chris­t­ian Sci­en­tist is not the same thing as a drug to your physi­cian, and so on.  It is extremely unlikely that we will ever have much agree­ment as to the fed­eral government’s proper role in the reg­u­la­tion of drugs because few of us could agree on what what is being reg­u­lated: meth, or aspirin?  Even my sub­ti­tle, “the 45-Year-Old War on Drugs”, is mean­ing­less.  Younger read­ers would think the War on Drugs began with Reagan’s coro­na­tion of it as such, but for old folks like myself it started in ’67, after Art Linkletter’s daugh­ter fell (?) out a win­dow and died; and for the Reefer Dudes it started in the 20s; and for the purist Lib­er­tar­ian types, it started with the  .… .

The Food and Drug Act, passed in 1906.  That gen­er­a­tion of peo­ple had wit­nessed one of the largest pop­u­la­tions of opium addicts ever seen in this coun­try.  Between opium-laced con­sumer prod­ucts and wounded Civil War vet­er­ans, the United States expe­ri­enced a wide­spread, chronic prob­lem with seri­ous drug addic­tion.  You could argue — many do — that noth­ing needed to be done, but if you put your­self in that time and think about peo­ple mak­ing money sell­ing dope-laden con­sumer prod­ucts to preg­nant women, you can under­stand why it seemed advis­able for the fed­eral gov­ern­ment to step in, i.e., poi­so­nous foods and poi­so­nous drugs are in the same cat­e­gory, socially speak­ing.  Aren’t they?

Con­sider: do you want to repeal the Food and Drug laws?  The first time someone’s baby dies from bad for­mula, we’re right back where we started.

The com­plex­i­ties mul­ti­ply expo­nen­tially.  You don’t have to be a rocket sci­en­tist to under­stand that relax­ing the fed­eral government’s cur­rent reach and finan­cial take might reju­ve­nate many tor­pid areas of our coun­try. When you look at the enor­mity of power and the finan­cial drain rep­re­sented by the fed­eral gov­ern­ment, you can say, “They should get out of drugs.”  But then someone’s baby dies, and every­one says, ‘Why doesn’t some­one stop them?’  That’s the real­ity of hav­ing a huge coun­try, a het­ero­ge­neous pop­u­la­tion, and a dis­tant, abstract, often dis­mally stu­pid national gov­ern­ment.  There is never going to be one easy answer because the answer will change with the ques­tion.  You can take that same obser­va­tion and apply it to any of the other thou­sands of things our fed­eral gov­ern­ment is doing.  There will always be folks stand­ing in line say­ing, “Look at these good things”, and then folks in the other line, say­ing, “Tsk, tsk, such a waste!”

So let’s start from the out­side and work our way back.  Let us argue, as many do, that “treat­ment is the right answer.”  Okay.  I agree.  Treat­ment is a bet­ter answer than pun­ish­ment.  Now let’s look at three fac­tors which com­pli­cate that pic­ture entirely:

1)  Pre­sum­ing we are going to man­date treat­ment, which will require tax­a­tion and gov­ern­men­tal reg­u­la­tion, we are still fight­ing a War on Drugs.  We may be fight­ing more like a Peace Corps engage­ment than a U.S. Army Search and Destroy mis­sion, but we’re still in a War.  Peo­ple will have to be arrested.  Force will be nec­es­sary.  Do you doubt this?  How would you expect to enforce laws that are sweetly writ­ten but don’t carry the force of law?  What you’re really doing is shift­ing the use of force, so let’s be hon­est about that.

2)  The assump­tion is that once we move the empha­sis from pun­ish­ment to treat­ment the drug car­tels will dis­ap­pear and the cost of the War will drop.  Where is the proof for this?  The fact is, you will still need to expend a great amount of money to treat addic­tion on a national scale, and you will still have com­pe­ti­tion.  In other words, there is no legit­i­mate rea­son to expect that things will sud­denly improve.  Prob­a­bly we would have to expend even greater effort than before because now you are argu­ing against some­thing you have given tacit approval to.  Maybe not.  I’m just throw­ing that out there.

3) The other assump­tion is, once you legal­ize drugs, mar­ket prices will drop, but I ask again: where is the proof of this?  Per­haps the only way to do that is to get rid of the com­pe­ti­tion alto­gether and give peo­ple their drugs, but .… given the gen­eral inef­fi­cien­cies of gov­ern­ment (and government’s well-documented resis­tance to any­thing like facts), you know as well as I do they’d screw that up so badly, we’d prob­a­bly spend three times what we’re spend­ing now.  Besides, this option works best when you have the option of wip­ing out the com­pe­ti­tion.  Back to where we started.

So .… what is the answer?  I believe I started this post by say­ing “There is no one answer.”  And I stand by that, with this pro­viso: treat­ing addicts like they’re mon­sters is not a good idea.  Addic­tion, like finan­cial chaos, like obe­sity, like men­tal ill­ness, is a weak­ness many peo­ple suf­fer from that is rooted in brain chem­istry, devel­op­men­tal dynam­ics, social pres­sures, and so on.  The answer — if we’re forced to resort to force — lies some­where in pro­vid­ing suit­able train­ing struc­tures and med­ical treat­ments that address men­tal ill­ness and dietary chal­lenges.  Pul­ver­iz­ing a person’s self-image to make a point is likely to rein­force the neg­a­tive behav­ior, in my view, which is the real moral dif­fi­culty with our War on Drugs.

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Two Thoughts About Pro­hi­bi­tion  Almost always peo­ple resort to the tired and incon­gru­ent anal­ogy of Pro­hi­bi­tion: “We tried it dur­ing Pro­hi­bi­tion and it didn’t work.  Ha Ha Ha!”  Well, here are two thoughts about Pro­hi­bi­tion you might want to consider:

#1  Socially, Pro­hi­bi­tion was feminism’s first major elec­toral vic­tory after obtain­ing the right to vote.  Women rebelled against drunken, abu­sive men.  Guess what?  It served them (the men) right.  Since they couldn’t con­trol them­selves, they shouldn’t whine about some­body knockin’ ‘em around.  By the way, this has a direct bear­ing on whether or how a free peo­ple can reg­u­late them­selves.  The fact is, drunk­en­ness and drug abuse are incon­sis­tent with free­dom.  Most peo­ple resent being reminded of that.  Eas­ier to bray.

#2  The very idea that you can ban alco­hol is, on its face, absurd.  Pro­hi­bi­tion was eas­ily one of the most ill-conceived legal maneu­vers in the his­tory of man .… and it has a direct bear­ing on how we should treat addicts: pun­ish them, or help them?

In related news, some­thing that I would like to see more of: Gen­uine dis­cus­sion of how cer­tain drugs, like psy­che­delics, ACTUALLY HELP PEOPLE.  Vic­to­ria Har­ris pro­vides a rea­son­ably inter­est­ing primer on how chang­ing social views affect how we treat ques­tions of what ought to be legal, but com­ments like THIS ONE are bet­ter than the arti­cle.  MDMA and var­i­ous other sub­stances actu­ally do pro­mote psy­cho­log­i­cal insight.  Blan­ket pro­hi­bi­tions against cer­tain drugs aren’t sci­en­tific.  They’re hys­ter­i­cal and imprac­ti­cal and .… cruel.

Some peo­ple are call­ing Obama’s stance on drugs Disin­gen­u­ous.  Wow.  Where have I heard that before?

Child­hood chum Mar­tin Shaugh­nessy wrote: “Actu­ally, there is a short answer. All drugs should be legal, high qual­ity, priced to mar­ket con­di­tions, and read­ily avail­able. What hap­pens when you give a junkie all the dope they want? Prob­lem Solved. Damn, you think too much, Bruce.”

UPDATE  While I am grate­ful for Martin’s feed­back, he makes my point for me.  The posi­tion, “legal­ize drugs”, pro­duces the same result as “abol­ish the FDA.”  Sounds great over Sun­day fried chicken, but I’ll guar­an­tee you will NEVER win a national elec­tion on it.  Everyone’s lib­eral about drug use till they think about tak­ing their grand kids to Tar­get and hav­ing to dodge ston­ers.  Or, like I tell my Lib­er­tar­ian friends, “Two weeks after drugs are legal­ized, there’ll be a bounty on you guys.  Twenty bucks a scalp.”  No one seems to think polit­i­cal and social real­i­ties are rel­e­vant to the dis­cus­sion — which was the point of my post.

Rob DeWitt wrote:  “You right­fully employ the image of a national opium prob­lem in the early 20th cen­tury. Imag­ine if there had been tele­vi­sion and movies every­where in 1900, sub­tly explain­ing to every­body who passed by that see­ing a prob­lem with opium addic­tion and the casual use of opium and cocaine in patent med­i­cine was just an indi­ca­tion that you were an uptight ass­hole who’d never get laid. There would not only not have been a great­est gen­er­a­tion, there would likely not have been their fathers fight­ing WWI, either.”

Hard-hitting stuff.  And way beyond what Deniers are able to grasp, I know.

Also, this, at Vanderleun’s:

mjazz: If meth was legal, the “tweaker next door” wouldn’t care if Mr. Han­ify was spy­ing on him. It would be like the lady next door shoot­ing you for watch­ing her grow toma­toes.

I replied:

“Spy­ing”?

That’s funny. And paranoid.

If you were ratio­nal, you’d real­ize I’m not tak­ing a spe­cific posi­tion. I’m talk­ing about soci­ety, and human nature.

UPDATE:  I was asked to give the Keynote speech last night at Mike Maki’s gala ben­e­fit din­ner and silent auc­tion Olympia Women’s Club, Abi­gail Stu­art House.  Mike and some friends were arrested in Octo­ber for grow­ing and dis­trib­ut­ing psilo­cy­bin mushrooms.

Mike and I are vet­er­ans of the West End of the Olympic Penin­sula, circa 1970s.  I was com­ment­ing that things were sure mel­low back in those days.  Peo­ple who came to see the national parks in the sum­mer used to always say, “You Pacific North­west peo­ple sure are friendly!”  Yes, we were.  And then polit­i­cal oper­a­tives invaded, and started cor­rect­ing thoughts and words.  Hasn’t been the same since.

Of sin­is­ter his­tor­i­cal note: the mania to cor­rect people’s thoughts has not come from tra­di­tion­ally con­ser­v­a­tive insti­tu­tions, like the Catholic Church, say.  It has come from mod­ern day “church­men” who have all but destroyed the indi­vid­u­al­ism that was inher­ent in my Pacific North­west.   It has all the fea­tures of a sci­ence fic­tion plot.

We see this neg­a­tive pat­tern played out in dis­cus­sions about top­ics like drugs.  If you have an opin­ion that dif­fers from the self-righteous, they cru­cify you.

What is that about?

All in all a very inter­est­ing evening.  Mar­tin Shaughnessy’s reply and the hys­ter­ics demon­strated by some com­ments at Amer­i­can Digest betray a com­plete inabil­ity to even con­sider that other peo­ple don’t agree with you.  They regard peo­ple who are opposed to legal­iz­ing drugs as “unin­formed.”  Here’s a news­flash for you guys: Mar­i­juana causes sig­nif­i­cant men­tal health impair­ment in many peo­ple.  I can’t help but notice that my friends who still smoke are .… oh.  Not cur­rent.  The rest of us see it.  We’re wait­ing for you to fig­ure it out.

And why and how are you so anx­ious to see peo­ple die?  Eh?  Just a question.

Inter­ested read­ers may enjoy my Pros­e­cu­tor Series.

This inter­view of Jerry Gar­cia is prob­a­bly the sin­gle best sum­ma­tion of the Six­ties I have ever seen.  Please note there was a very spe­cific kind of moment in which there was clar­ity, but .… “It went away as soon as it was publicized.”

[video mp4=“http://www.brucehanify.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/Grateful-Dead-Jerry-Garcia-Interview-1994.mp4” poster=“http://www.brucehanify.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/jerry-garcia-ripple-rose-ben-upham.jpg” preload=“yes” autoplay=“no” loop=“no” width=“575” height=“422”]

Inter­view of Jerry Garcia

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BRUCE HANIFY 2012

Learning to See

by Bruce Han­ify

Have you ever con­sid­ered that the brain must learn how to see?  Vision is not auto­matic. Even if we couldn’t test infants, we know from dra­matic blind-to-sight sto­ries that the brain must learn how to process visual data. Appar­ently it does this by pro­cess­ing mov­ing images. (Read about MIT’s neuro-scientific exper­i­ments on the fac­ulty of vision in Out of Dark­ness, Sight: How the Brain Learns to See.) Does that mean that at one time in evo­lu­tion we couldn’t see light? Like, maybe we were pod peo­ple? Aliens implanted our eyes? I leave those tit­il­lat­ing ques­tions to greater minds than my own. (A friend of mine used to pon­der why we had to have eyebrows. I quickly answered that many folks don’t. That seemed hugely funny at the time.)

In his book, Cos­mic Con­scious­ness, Cana­dian physi­cian Dr. Richard Mau­rice Bucke observed how the human fam­ily appar­ently could not see BLUE until very recently in our his­tory. He pro­vides fur­ther exam­ples of how our senses evolved new detec­tions of fra­grances, and so on. What seems sim­ple to us was pre­ceded by incred­i­bly long, com­plex bio­log­i­cal changes. Bucke also pre­dicted some­thing I believe: human beings are now poised to enter a higher state of con­scious­ness he called cos­mic con­scious­ness. Much of the dis­ar­ray we’re expe­ri­enc­ing at the moment is appar­ently part of this process.

Read­ers who are inter­ested in some of the mar­velous struc­tural changes in our brains, and how that has affected self con­scious­ness, should make the time to read Julian Jaynes’ The Ori­gins of Con­scious­ness in the Break­down of the Bicam­eral Brain and Erich Neumann’s Ori­gins and His­tory of Con­scious­ness. What you and I refer to as “right” and “left” brain is a fairly recent devel­op­ment in the long evo­lu­tion of the homo sapi­ens. For many mil­len­nia, we humans lived inside a brain where there was no such dis­tinc­tion. It is use­ful to learn how these things work because many politi­cized terms are actu­ally func­tions of changes in brain struc­ture and chem­istry, as opposed to objec­tive truths. If peo­ple took more time to study these things, instead of start­ing fights at hol­i­days, we’d all be bet­ter off. Of course, Tony Buzan’s books are invalu­able tools as well.

Years of life expe­ri­ence and some­where over 200 jury tri­als have taught me that human beings don’t “see” nearly so well as they think. Have you ever watched the Selec­tive Atten­tion Test, from Daniel Simons and Christo­pher Chabris?

HOW MANY TIMES DOES THE TEAM IN WHITE PASS THE BALL?

In my expe­ri­ence it is the rare juror who under­stands that our brains don’t work very well, if by “well” you mean ‘I am cer­tain.’ Have you ever dri­ven into traf­fic only to dis­cover — per­haps at great cost — that you had a “blind spot”? Well, the intel­lect is pock­marked with blind spots. If you don’t believe me, sign up for a logic or math class at your local col­lege; and if you’re “left-brained”, take a course on lit­er­a­ture or women’s stud­ies. You’ll find out in short order that your brain is order­ing what it sees. It does not see nearly so well as you may believe. Alas, sight is very much a func­tion of belief. Hard to accept, isn’t it? Yet it is true, and that fact has a direct bear­ing on what we can expect in the wake of this change in Ages. Those of us who are alive at this time are like the blind folks in Plato’s Alle­gory of the Cave. We think we see, but we never ask:

What do we think we’re seeing?’

Once you ask that ques­tion, life gets very inter­est­ing indeed. It is, in fact, the only hon­est ques­tion that can ever be asked, because once we ask it, we have to take respon­si­bil­ity for what we see.

The early Chris­t­ian Bishop, Syne­sius of Cyrene (370–413), made a num­ber of remark­able state­ments about our imag­i­na­tion, or our soul, that have a bear­ing on this dis­cus­sion. I want to share two with you. They are some­what dif­fi­cult to grasp, but they will repay atten­tive reading:

Imag­i­na­tion is the sense of the senses (the first body of the soul), nec­es­sary to all oth­ers: it inheres at the same time in both the soul and the body, It dwells within us: estab­lished in the head, as in a citadel which nature has built for us, and it gov­erns the ani­mal life. The hear­ing and the sight are not true senses, but rather instru­ments of sense, which put the ani­mal in rela­tion with the exte­rior world; in the ser­vice of imag­i­na­tion they trans­mit to their mis­tress impres­sions received by them from with­out, sen­sa­tions which are trans­mit­ted to us from the objects by which we are sur­rounded. Imag­i­na­tion is the col­lec­tive sense in which are united our var­i­ous senses: in real­ity it is that which hears and which sees; it is through it that all the per­cep­tions occur; and it assigns to each organ its par­tic­u­lar func­tion. From it all the fac­ul­ties pro­ceed: they are like the rays which go out of the cen­tre and meet wholly in the cen­tre: many in pro­gres­sion, and one and the same in ori­gin. The sense to which the organs are indis­pens­able is a purely mate­r­ial sense; or, to speak more cor­rectly, it is only a sense when it enters into the ser­vice of the imag­i­na­tion: imag­i­na­tion is the sense which has power of act­ing instan­ta­neously with­out inter­me­di­aries. It has a divine char­ac­ter through which it approaches intu­itive Intellect.

It will thus be estab­lished that the soul, as we have advanced, con­tains in itself the images of the things which become. It encloses them wholly, but it pro­duces them out­wardly only at a con­ve­nient time; imag­i­na­tion is sim­i­lar to a mir­ror in which it reflects itself, so that the ani­mal per­ceives the images which have their seats in the soul.

Syne­sius seems to be say­ing two things: first, that the ani­mal world, of which we are a part, is very lim­ited in what it can see, as indi­cated by the MIT study; and, sec­ond, that we we call “truth” is, accord­ing to Syne­sius, a func­tion of how are soul presents the world to us. Lest you think that closes the dis­cus­sion, Syne­sius writes at length about how to restore the imag­i­na­tion to its proper abode, the soul. He seemed to think that we cor­rupted the process of sight by reject­ing those things which the soul knows. In other words, part of the soul’s bondage is to find itself ensnared in inter­pre­ta­tions which are closer to the ani­mal king­dom. If imag­i­na­tion is restored to its proper place, we could con­sis­tently pro­duce har­mo­nious and pros­per­ous con­di­tions on earth.

One way of under­stand­ing this is to look at what hap­pens when peo­ple project evil onto a politi­cized label (pick your label). What they’ve done at that point is to ensure an out­come con­sis­tent with their expectation.

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BRUCE HANIFY 2012